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Family & Corrections Network |
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October 10-12, 1993 Quebec City, Quebec, Canada
LES MERES EN PRISON - UN POINT DE VUE GLOBAL MOTHERS IN PRISON IN WORLD PERSPECTIVE Irene Glasser, Ph.D. Professeur d'anthropologie, Departement de sociologie 26 Cardsmill Road, Columbia, Connecticut 06237 TEL./TEL.: (203) 456-5227 Recemment aux Etats-Unis, on a beaucoup discute des meres en prison et du sort de leurs enfants. La pratique americaine suivie au cours des cinquante dernieres annees a consiste a incarcerer la mere et a confier ses enfants a sa famille etendue ou (moins souvent) a une famille d'accueil. Mais, que fait-on dans les autres pays? Cette presentation interculturelle donnera un apercu global de la situation des meres incarcerees, en examinant differents cas et des recherches menees un peu partout dans le monde. La conferenciere est une anthropologue qui a effectue des recherches sur cette question, ainsi que des etudes interculturelles sur certains problemes auxquels font face les humains. Les enfants de parents en prison sont souvent appeles la "minorite oubliee", et ce, dans le monde entier. Bien qu'ils n'aient commis aucun crime, ces enfants ressentent les souffrances d'etre separes de leurs parents ou, dans certaines parties du monde, d'etre incarceres avec leurs parents, mais dans des installations qui ne repondent pas a leurs besoins. Le present expose resume quelques-unes des conclusions des recherches portant sur les femmes incarcerees. Toute etude interculturelle d'un probleme humain permet d'elargir le choix des solutions possibles. Politique et programmes aux Etats-Unis Dans les annees soixante-dix, McGowan et Blumenthal (1976) ont realise un projet de recherche national sur les problemes que doivent surmonter les meres incarcerees et leurs enfants. Ces chercheurs ont recueilli les opinions de plus de la moitie des femmes detenues aux Etats-Unis. Il est interessant de noter qu'au moins quelques penitenciers americains pour femmes ont donne suite a un grand nombre des suggestions faites par McGowan et Blumenthal (1976: 130-131), par exemple amenager des centres de visite qui conviennent aux enfants, accorder des visites de fin de semaine, donner des cours sur l'art d'etre parent et organiser des seances de counseling pour les meres. Toutefois, leurs suggestions suivantes ont rarement ete mises a execution: loger meres et enfants (surtout ceux en bas age) a l'interieur ou pres de la propriete penitentiaire; permettre a la mere d'etre frequemment en contact avec les parents de la famille d'accueil; veiller a ce que la main-d'oeuvre carcerale offre des services aux enfants dans la collectivite. Recemment, il y a eu une augmentation marquee dans le nombre des femmes incarcerees aux Etats-Unis. On peut estimer qu'en 1992 il y avait 90,000 femmes en prison, qui avaient 167,000 enfants sous l'age de 18 ans (Applebome 1992). Cela represente une hausse de 300 pour-cent de femmes en prison en 1982, et 2,264 femmes en 1989. Cette hausse est due a l'augmentation du trafic de drogues, et au fait que les tribunaux ne sont pas specialement indulgents envers les femmes. Suivant est un bref apercu sur quelques programmes dont le point focal est les besoins des meres en prison, aussi bien que deux programmes qui s'adressent aux peres en prison. Programmes de formation au role de parent a Niantic (Connecticut) De 1987 a 1990, plus de 500 femmes ont pris part a un ou plusieurs programmes de formation au role de parent qui etaient finances par le gouvernement federal et offerts a l'etablissement correctionnel situe a Niantic (Connecticut). J'ai eu l'occasion d'examiner ces programmes, dans le cadre d'une evaluation menee pour le compte du gouvernement federal (Glasser 1992). Les programmes visaient principalement a maintenir et a resserrer les liens entre la mere incarceree et ses enfants, et incluaient des groupes d'education et de soutien, un centre de visite specialement amenage pour les enfants, la prestation de formation aux detenues affectees a ce centre, des visites de fin de semaine dans une roulotte, des activites creatives et l'orientation vers des services communautaires. J'ai utilise trois methodes pour mener a bien cette recherche: observations participatives dans le cas des programmes de formation au role de parent qui se pretaient a de telles observations; interrogation de femmes a l'interieur et a l'exterieur du penitencier sur leurs perceptions des programmes; verification des dossiers du Department of Corrections afin d'y relever les progres realises par les participantes. En bref, selon les donnees qualitatives obtenues, les programmes de formation au role de parent a Niantic offraient aux femmes et a leurs enfants la possibilite de se rencontrer et de communiquer entre eux, d'une maniere tres positive. Pour quelques-unes des femmes, la visite de leurs enfants dans le cadre d'un de ces programmes etait parmi les meilleurs moments jamais passes ensemble. Les programmes mettaient l'accent sur le role de mere des femmes, un aspect positif et tres important de leur actualisation de soi. De plus, lorsque le personnel d'education familiale aidait les femmes a communiquer avec leur enfant, les pourvoyeurs de soins dans la collectivite ou le systeme scolaire, celles-ci leur en etaient tres reconnaissantes. Toutefois, les donnees quantitatives recueillies n'ont pas permis d'etablir que les avantages tires de ces programmes pouvaient reduire le risque de recidive chez les participantes, par rapport a l'ensemble de la population. Il a ete suggere que les seances de groupe accordent davantage d'importance aux strategies visant a garder les femmes dans la collectivite. Ces seances portaient sur les enfants et l'amour maternel, mais on semblait avoir de la difficulte a y expliquer les erreurs que les femmes pourraient commettre dans la collectivite et dans leur role parental. En faisant le suivi d'un groupe de femmes mises en liberte, j'ai decouvert que la plupart des femmes qui s'en sortaient bien avaient essaye de modifier des aspects importants de leur vie (par exemple, en demenageant dans un autre coin de l'etat, en participant a un programme de logement ou en se trouvant un emploi afin de devenir financierement independantes. Celles qui reussissaient a surmonter les difficultes disaient ne pas vouloir retourner aupres de leurs enfants avant de "s'etre tirees d'affaire". En outre, il fallait resserrer les liens entre le penitencier et les organismes communautaires vers lesquels les femmes etaient orientees. Plusieurs femmes m'ont affirme avoir telephone a un organisme qui devait leur venir en aide, mais qu'on leur avait repondu qu'elles devaient attendre trois semaines avant d'obtenir un rendez-vous. Ce delai est trop long pour une femme qui vient d'etre liberee. Etude sur les comportements parentaux juges adequats, menee a l'etablissement correctionnel pour femmes du Department of Corrections de Mississippi Dans une etude interessante effectuee a la prison pour femmes dans l'etat du Mississippi, LeFlore et Holston (1989) ont examine des cours sur l'art d'etre parent offerts aux meres incarcerees, une ressource souvent presente dans ces prisons. Ils ont compare les perceptions des detenues avec celles d'un groupe similaire de l'exterieur, quant aux comportements parentaux juges importants. Aucune difference statistiquement significative n'a ete relevee. Les suivantes sont au nombre des competences parentales que les participantes trouvaient les plus importantes: obtenir l'amour de ses enfants, les rendre heureux et repondre a leurs besoins dans le domaine de la sante. Cette etude a souligne la necessite d'aider les meres detenues a atteindre leurs buts a cet egard. Comme la plupart des participantes comptaient reprendre leur role parental suivant leur mise en liberte et etre le seul soutien de famille, les chercheurs ont conclu qu'il fallait peut-etre offrir de la formation professionnelle a ces femmes et les aider a trouver un emploi pour leur assurer une liberation conditionnelle reussie. Formation au role de parent a l'etablissement correctionnel de Bedford Hills Les programmes de formation au role de parent offerts a Bedford Hills sont sans doute parmi les mieux connus. Ils incluent des visites, des cours, des activites estivales, le tranport au penitencier, une garderie sur les lieux et des residences pour les meres relachees et leurs enfants (Malcolm 1991, Roulet sans date). Crees sous l'inspiration de soeur Elaine Roulet, ces programmes familiaux visent a maintenir le lien entre mere et enfant. L'un d'eux, mis en oeuvre recemment, consiste a enregistrer des histoires de chevet racontees par la mere, puis a faire parvenir la cassette et le livre a son enfant. Bedford Hills est une des rares prisons pour femmes dotees d'une garderie abritant 16 meres et leurs nouveau-nes jusqu'a l'age de 12 a 18 mois). Programme de visite d'enfants au centre correctionnel de Huron Valley (Michigan) Ce programme de visite permet aux femmes d'etre en compagnie de leurs enfants pendant trois heures le samedi, dans un endroit ressemblant a une salle de jeux (Jose Kampfner 1991). La collectivite assure le transport de ces enfants au penitencier. Les visites debutent et se terminent par des activites de groupe telles que le recit d'histoires et des chants. Le programme a un effet immediat et positif: 75 pour cent des participantes affirment que les visites des enfants les incitent a bien se conduire puisque tout manquement aux reglements risque de leur faire perdre ce privilege (Jose Kampfner 1991: 134). Programme destine aux parents incarceres a la prison d'Etat pour hommes du Tennessee Un programme a l'intention des peres incarceres a ete mis en place a la prison d'Etat pour hommes du Tennessee (Hairston et Lockett 1985). Ce programme consiste essentiellement de travaux individuels et en salle de classe visant a accroitre les connaissances des participants sur le developpement de l'enfant et le role parental. Son but est d'ameliorer les relations familiales pendant que le pere est incarcere, puis de faciliter sa reintegration dans la famille suivant sa mise en liberte. Une attention particuliere est accordee aux risques de violence, et plusieurs evenements familiaux, tels que des pique-niques et des banquets, sont organises. Au moment de l'etude, 400 hommes avaient termine avec succes les travaux individuels et (ou) en salle de classe et enrichi leurs connaissances sur le developpement de l'enfant et les techniques efficaces a utiliser par les parents. A la fin de la description du programme, les auteurs soulignent qu'il faudrait evaluer comment le programme influe sur le comportement des peres une fois que ceux-ci sont liberes et retournent dans le milieu familial. Visites conjugales (Mississippi et Caroline du Sud) Les visites conjugales sont un autre moyen de maintenir les liens familiaux. Elles permettent aux couples de poursuivre leurs relations sexuelles au sein de la propriete penitentiaire. Un rapport prepare par Donald Schneller (1991) decrit les visites conjugales dans les prisons pour hommes situees au Mississippi et en Caroline du Sud. Cette pratique de longue date vise a tirer profit des liens entre ces hommes et des personnes bien portantes (soit leur conjointe). Scheneller affirme que les femmes sont bien plus respectueuses des lois que les hommes (Schneller 1991: x). Au cours d'une etude sur les familles des detenus, il a aussi appris que les conjointes croyaient en general pouvoir demeurer fideles à leur mari pendant environ deux ans. Il semble donc que les visites conjugales soient necessaires pour garder intact la vie de couple des detenus purgeant une peine de plus de deux ans. Ces visites peuvent egalement faire partie d'un programme global de reunification familiale. Projet d'education des parents a Pittsburgh (Pennsylvanie) Les programmes de formation au role de parent ne produisent pas tous des resultats positifs ou aucun changement (Browne 1989). Vingt femmes gardees a la prison de comte Allegheny a Pittsburgh (Pennsylvanie) ont participe a un programme educatif de 24 semaines ayant pour but d'ameliorer leurs connaissances sur l'art d'etre parent. Un test leur a ete administre au debut et a la fin du programme. Les resultats semblaient indiquer que leur estime de soi avait augmente, mais qu'il en allait de meme en ce qui concernait le recours aux chatiments corporels et la formation d'esperances excessives. Selon l'auteur, on ne s'etait pas suffisamment attarde a ces deux questions dans le programme. De plus, il aurait peut-etre fallu que les parents puissent pratiquer les nouveaux comportements avant d'entierement integrer les idees acquises dans leurs systemes de croyances. Prise en compte des enfants de l'accuse au moment de la determination de la peine La consideration des personnes a charge de l'accuse au moment de la determination de la peine est un moyen de reduire le nombre de detenus aux Etats-Unis. Cette approche suppose que l'interesse subvenait activement aux besoins des enfants. Eleanor L. Bush (1990) examine comment les juges pourraient evaluer les repercussions d'une peine imposee a un parent qui assume seul la responsabilite d'un enfant (dans bien des cas, la mere). Par exemple, une peine de deux ans entrainera-t-elle la perte des droits du parent? Peut-on tenir compte de l'age de l'enfant (en general, plus celui-ci est jeune, plus il sera touche par une longue separation). Est-ce qu'une solution de rechange telle que la detention pendant la journee conviendrait? La personne a-t-elle commis le crime devant les enfants ou pris soin de separer ses activites criminelles de ses responsabilites parentales? Bush essaie de faire la distinction entre les responsabilites assumees veritablement et celles acquises soudainement pour obtenir une condamnation reduite. Canada Le Canada est dote d'un reseau d'organismes qui facilitent le maintien de liens entre les femmes incarcerees et leurs enfants, par le biais de services de transport, de maisons d'accueil pres des penitenciers, de visites de la famille etandue et de services postpenaux. Il ne faut pas oublier que la population carcerale est beaucoup moins elevee au Canada qu'aux Etats-Unis et que les distances y sont plus grandes. "Ma vie est devenue un enfer, mais Dieu merci je m'en suis sortie grace a Continuite famille aupres des detenues." Il s'agit d'un organisme situe a Montreal qui maintient une roulotte pour les visites familiales a la prison Tanguay. En outre, l'organisme fournit des conseils et organise des activites pour des femmes de retour a Montreal, incluant la fabrication et la commercialisation d'abris pour les oiseaux. J'ai eu le plaisir de visiter cet organisme au cours du printemps de 1993. Iles britanniques Dans une etude menee a la prison pour femmes Cornton Vale (Ecosse), Pat Carlen (1982) a observe qu'on faisait peu pour maintenir les liens entre meres et enfants. Les visites etaient strictement controlees et limitees a 20 minutes, en depit des vastes distances parcourues pour se rendre au penitencier. Il arrive que la famille d'une detenue voyage pendant cinq heures pour faire une visite de 20 minutes. Une fois les visites terminees, les detenues sont soumises a une fouille a nu, une mesure qui a un effet dissuasif sur un grand nombre d'entre elles. De plus, on passe leur courrier au peigne fin et on ne les aide pas a se preparer en vue de leur mise en liberte, par exemple dans la recherche d'un domicile. Une autre lacune relevee a Cornton Vale etait le manque de programmes d'education et de formation professionnelle pour aider les femmes a devenir independantes apres leur liberation. La plupart des activites organisees, telles que la couture et la cuisine, semblaient fondees sur le fait que l'on prevoyait que la femme retournerait a la maison, a la charge de son mari. Dobash, Dobash et Gutteridge (1986) ont mene une enquete d'un point de vue historique et contemporain sur les penitenciers pour femmes dans l'ensemble de la Grande-Bretagne. Ces chercheurs ont constate qu'au cours des siecles anterieures, on percevait les femmes incarcerees comme de "mauvaises personnes", mais qu'aujourd'hui on les considere comme des "folles" ayant besoin de soins psychiatriques. Ils ont remarque que la plupart des 12 prisons pour femmes en Grande-Bretagne (c'est-a-dire en Angleterre, en Ecosse et au pays de Galles) n'ont pas de politiques axees sur les enfants et n'encouragent pas les visites de ces derniers. Meme dans les quatre penitenciers dotes de garderies (soit Holloway, Styal, Askham Grange et Cornton Vale), les meres et leurs bebes sont soumises a des reglements tres severes. Lors d'une etude menee en 1990 sur les unites reservees aux meres et a leurs enfants dans les penitenciers de Holloway, Styal et Askham Grange, Pat Carlen a observe que ces endroits "manquaient de naturel": meres et enfants y passent de longues heures confines dans une piece; la mere ne peut pas etablir sa propre routine avec son bebe; celui-ci a rarement l'occasion d'etre stimule par d'autres personnes comme des membres de sa famille. Carlen, Dobash et collegues recommandent fortement que la majorite des delinquantes ne soient pas incarcerees. Inde Malheureusement, les enfants gardes dans des penitenciers sont souvent soumis a la meme discipline excessive que leurs meres, et cela leur est nefaste. Il est penible de voir ce qui arrive aux enfants de deux ou trois ans; au lieu d'etre caresses et invites a des jeux, ceux-ci sont forces de s'asseoir en rangees ordonnees et les bras plies pour plaire aux visiteurs. Aucun motif ne peut expliquer pourquoi les garderies au sein des penitenciers sont tristes et monotones tandis que celles a l'exterieur sont gaies et stimulantes (Sahni 1978: 183). Les femmes emprisonnees en Inde forment un petit pourcentage de la population carcerale totale. En 1988 par exemple, les penitenciers indiens comptaient 4000 femmes et 107 000 hommes (Hazarika 1988: A9). La meme annee, 44000 femmes ont ete arretees par rapport a deux millions d'hommes (Hazarika 1988: A9). Dans la plupart des cas, les femmes sont logees dans une aile separee a l'interieur d'un penitencier pour hommes. Elles ont peu acces aux programmes de loisirs, d'education ou de formation professionnelle offerts aux hommes. De plus, les femmes souffrant de troubles psychologiques (elles forment environ 17 pour cent de la population de detenues) sont gardees avec les autres femmes emprisonnees (Hazarika 1988, Sikka 1986). Dans de nombreux endroits en Inde, on permet aux meres d'etre incarcerees avec leurs enfants, ainsi que de garder ceux qui sont venus au monde au penitencier si personne d'autre ne peut en prendre soin. Toutefois, comme il est mentionne precedemment, ces installations sont des endroits sinistres qui ne repondent pas aux besoins des enfants. Nepal Au Nepal, quelque 150 enfants vivent avec leur mere ou leur pere dans des penitenciers pour adultes parce qu'il n'y a personne d'autre pour s'en occuper (Pradhan 1993: 11). Ces etablissements sont vieux et en train de tomber en ruines, leurs toits sont troues et les mesures sanitaires y sont presque inexistantes. Les enfants ne beneficient d'aucune mesure particuliere; ils sont soumis aux memes conditions et reglements severes que les parents. Les abus sexuels et la violence psychologique infliges aux enfants par d'autres detenus et des membres du personnel seraient une pratique repandue. (Pradhan 1993: 15). UNICEF, Defense for Children International L'etude preliminaire menee par "Defense for Children International" (DCI) de 1982 a 1984 sur des enfants ages de moins de 18 ans qui se trouvaient dans des penitenciers pour adultes un peu partout dans le monde est la recherche la plus approfondie sur les meres incarcerees avec leurs enfants. Le rapport d'etude comprend des renseignements sur des enfants reconnus coupable d'une infraction, laisses dans la rue sans protection ou encore amenes avec leur mere ou leur pere dans un penitencier en Allemagne, en Autriche, au Chili, en Colombie, au Costa Rica, au Danemark, en Espagne, aux Etats-Unis, en Inde, au Nigeria, au Pakistan, aux Pays-Bas, au Royaume-Uni, en Thailande ou au Zaire. Le DCI souligne les contradictions et les problemes relies a la pratique d'incarcerer des enfants avec leurs parents. Le traitement des enfants est fonde sur divers principes qui se contredisent. On incarcere les jeunes contrevenants et les adultes a part, mais on dit qu'il ne faut pas separer le detenu du reste de sa famille. D'apres certains, l'emprisonnement d'un enfant peut toujours etre remplace par une meilleure solution, mais cette croyance va a l'encontre du principe selon lequel il faut agir dans l'interet de l'enfant quand on choisit le traitement approprie, et que le placement avec le parent incarcere peut etre une solution adequate lorsque les conditions au penitencier sont acceptables (Tomasevski 1986: 91). Presque tous les renseignements contenus dans cette etude portent sur des bebes et des enfants incarceres avec leur mere. Une etude menee par Pierre Toutain, journaliste francais, traite des enfants emprisonnes avec leur pere en Thailande, le pere etant le principal responsable des enfants dans ce pays. Toutain signale que les abus sexuels infliges aux enfants par le personnel et les autres detenus y sont une pratique repandue. L'etude de DCI tire la conclusion qu'il faudrait prendre d'autres dispositions au lieu d'incarcerer les femmes enceintes et les meres. Lorsqu'une femme est emprisonnee, elle est ou n'est pas accompagnee de ses enfants suivant les conditions dans lesquelles ceux-ci vivraient. Les conditions dans les penitenciers qui abritent des bebes et des enfants varient considerablement. Les renseignements indiques ci-apres sont tires d'un rapport provenant du Chili. Les conditions a Tres Alamos etaient tres mauvaises. Dans la section reservee aux femmes, 120 detenues vivaient dans pavillon de bois construit pour accueillir 50 personnes. En temps normal, dix ou onze detenues dormaient dans une chambre, six dans des couchettes, les autres sur le plancher. Comme il n'y avait pas de porte, les eaux pluviales inondaient l'endroit. Les detenus devaient manger en plein air car aucune piece n'etait amenagee a cet effet. Trois des quatre toilettes fonctionnaient, et il n'y avait pas d'eau chaude ni de mesures speciales pour les enfants et les bebes (Tomasevski 1986: 99). Le rapport de DCI sur Cornton Vale (Ecosse) decrit des conditions bien differentes. Les bebes sont loges avec leurs meres, et cette pratique est surtout encouragee dans le cas d'enfants en bas age. Tous les efforts possibles sont deployes pour s'assurer que mere et enfant aient une relation normale. Les membres du personnel apprecient la presence des enfants dans le penitencier. Selon eux, il est important pour le developpement de l'enfant que celui-ci reste pres de sa mere, laquelle peut tirer profit de leur soutien et de leurs conseils pendant la periode d'incarceration. On croit aussi que la presence d'un bebe exerce un effet stabilisateur sur les autres detenues (Tomasevski 1986: 99). Les conditions dans lesquelles vivent les enfants incarceres peuvent etre bonnes sur le plan materiel et mauvaises sur le plan emotif. Par exemple, une mere incarceree en Autriche avec son enfant de dix mois declare ce qui suit: "L'enfant se developpe normalement et s'interesse a tout, mais il ne rit pas beaucoup et semble deprime. Son comportement serait surement different hors du penitencier" (Tomasevski 1986: 98). Dans certains pays, il arrive que les conditions pour les enfants soient meilleures a l'interieur des penitenciers qu'a l'exterieur de ceux-ci (une constatation bien decevante). Par exemple, dans la Casa Cuna, une unite concue a l'intention des meres et de leurs enfants dans un penitencier pour femmes au Costa Rica, on pense que la situation des enfants se deteriore suivant leur retour dans la collectivite (Tomasevski 1986: 98). Conclusion Ce n'est que recemment qu'on a commence a etudier serieusement les problemes auxquels font face les meres incarcerees et leurs enfants. Il faudrait informer le public et le personnel des penitenciers du monde entier des resultats des recherches sur l'efficacite des divers programmes et politiques. MOTHERS IN PRISON IN WORLD PERSPECTIVE Irene Glasser, Ph.D. Professor in Anthropology, Department of Sociology 26 Cardsmill Road, Columbia, Connecticut 06237 TEL./TEL.: (203) 456-5227 Mothers in prison, and the fate of their children, has been a topic of considerable concern and controversy in the United States in recent years. During the past fifty years in the United States, the convention in women's prisons has been to incarcerate the mother, leaving the care of her children to her extended family, or (less often) to foster care. But what is the experience of other countries? This cross-cultural presentation will offer a beginning world review of mothers in prison by discussing research and descriptions of mothers in prison internationally. The author is an anthropologist, who has research experience in mothers in prison, as well as reviewing human issues in cross-cultural perspective. The children of incarcerated parents are often called the "forgotten minority" throughout the world. These children have not committed any crime, and feel the pain of being separated from their parents, or in some parts of the world, going to prison with their parents, but in facilities that do not accommodate the needs of the child. This paper will briefly review some of the findings of research regarding mothers in prison. Studying any human issue in cross-cultural perspective enables us to expand the range of what is possible. Policies and Programs in the United States The problems facing incarcerated mothers and their children were studied in the 1970's in the United States in a national research project by McGowan and Blumenthal (1976). Here they surveyed over half the incarcerated females in the United States at that time. It is interesting to note that many of the suggestions made by McGowan and Blumenthal (1976: 130-131) such as child-appropriate visiting centers, week end visits, parent education classes, and counseling sessions for mothers have been carried out in at least some U.S. women's prisons. Less commonly realized are their suggestions for housing mothers and children (particularly infants) on or near the prison grounds, frequent contact between foster parents and the incarcerated mother of the foster child, and services by the prison workers to the children in the community. There has been a dramatic increase in the number of women incarcerated in the United States in recent years. In 1992 it was estimated that there were 90,000 women in prisons and jails in the U.S., who had a total of 167,000 children under 18 years of age (Applebome 1992). This represents a 300 per cent increase in the number of women in prison. In some states there has been a 500 per cent increase. For example, in New York State, there were 337 women in prison in 1982, and by 1989 there were 2,264 women. This increase is due to an increase in drug trafficking, as well as the tendency for the courts not to give any special leniency to women. The following is a very brief review of some of the programs that have focused on the needs of mothers in prison, as well as two programs that address fathers in prison. Niantic (Connecticut) Parenting Programs From 1987 to 1990 more than 500 women had participated in one or more of the federally funded parenting programs at the Connecticut Correctional Institution at Niantic. I had the opportunity to conduct research on the programs, as a part of the federally mandated evaluation of the project (Glasser 1992). The major goal of the parenting programs was to maintain and strengthen the bond between the incarcerated mother and her children. The parenting programs included support and educational groups, a child centered visiting center, training for inmates to work with children in the visiting center, weekend trailer visits for women and their children, creative arts for mothers and children, and referrals for community services. The methodology I used for the research was to conduct participant observations for all of the parenting programs where observation was possible; to interview women, both inside and outside the prison, in order to discover what the programs meant to them; and to track, through Department of Corrections (DOC) records, the progress of the women who participated in the programs. Briefly, I found that the qualitative data indicated that the parenting programs of Niantic offered the women and their children the opportunity for visiting and communicating with each other in a very positive way. For some of the women visiting with their children in one of the programs provided them with some of the best times they had ever had with their children. The programs focused on the women as mothers, a very important and positive part of their self identity. Also, the women were grateful for those times the parenting staff was able to help the woman communicate with her child, or their care-giver in the community, or the school system. However, it was not possible to demonstrate that these positive benefits of the parenting programs were able to reduce the woman's chances of coming back to prison when compared with the total population, through the quantitative part of the research. The suggestions that emerged from this study was to have the group sessions focus more on strategies for remaining in the community. While the group sessions discussed the children of the women and their love for them, they appeared less successful in discussing the ways in which the women may not do well in the community and may be unable to parent. In following up a group of released women, I discovered that most of the women who were doing well had tried to change significant aspects of their life by, for example, moving to another part of the state, going to a residential program or becoming self supporting by getting a job. The women who were doing well talked about not going back to their children immediately, until they were "back on their feet." Also, the relationship between the prison and the community agencies they were referred to needed to be strengthened. Several women mentioned to me that they had made the phone call to an agency that was supposed to help them, but were told that they would have to wait three weeks for an appointment. For a woman leaving prison, three weeks is too long. A Study of Perceived Good Parenting Behaviors (Women's Correctional Facility, Mississippi Department of Corrections) In an interesting study at the women's prison in Mississippi, LeFlore and Holston (1989) looked at parenting classes for incarcerated mothers, a common resource inside women's prisons. They compared inmate mothers with a matched group of non inmate mothers, on their perceptions of important parenting behaviors. They found no statistically significant differences in the perception of important positive parenting behaviors. Some of the most important parenting behaviors were found to be "having your children love you, having your children be happy, and providing for your children's health needs." This study emphasized that the inmate mothers needed help in achieving their goals of positive parenting. Since most of the mothers of this study expected to resume their parenting roles upon release, and be the sole support of their family, this study concludes that vocational training and follow-up job placement assistance could be the essential ingredient for successful parole. Bedford Hills Correctional Facility Parenting Programs Perhaps the most well known of the parenting programs for women is the system of visiting, instruction, summer programming, transportation to the prison, an on-site nursery, and post-release houses for mothers and children of the Bedford Hills Correctional Facility (Malcolm 1991, Roulet n.d.). Inspired by Sister Elaine Roulet, this complex of family programs has tried to maintain the bond that mothers have with their children. A new program involves mothers tape recording bed time stories for their children, and sending them the tape and the book. Bedford Hills is one of the few women's prisons to have a nursery that houses 16 mothers and their newborns (up to 12 or 18 months old). Children's Visitation Program at Huron Valley Correctional Center (Michigan). The Children's Visitation Program enables women to have three hour visits with their children, in a playroom type of atmosphere on Saturdays (Jose Kampfner 1991). The larger community is involved in providing the children of the mothers transportation to and from the prison. The program provides some group activities of singing and story telling at the beginning and end of the visiting session. One immediate and positive effect of the program was that for the women involved in the program, 75% said that the visits have effectively prevented them from any misconduct in the prison, since their visits with their children would be jeopardized (Jose Kampfner 1991:134). Parents in Prison (Tennessee State Prison for Men) A program for fathers in prison was instituted at the Tennessee State Prison for Men (Hairston and Lockett 1985). The focus of the program is on home study and class room work that increases knowledge regarding child development and parenting, with the goals of enhancing family relationships for the men while they are incarcerated, and easing their re-integration into their families once released. Particular attention was paid to issues of potential violence. The program also sponsored several family events such as picnics and a banquet. At the time of the study, 400 men had successfully completed the home study and/or classroom courses, and had demonstrated increased knowledge of child development and positive parenting techniques. The authors end their description with a plea for an impact evaluation of the program, in terms of its influence on the fathers once they are released from prison, and return to their families. The Conjugal Visit (Mississippi, South Carolina) Another approach to maintain familial bonds is the conjugal visit, which is the opportunity for husbands and wives to continue a sexual relationship within prison grounds. A report by Donald Schneller (1991) describes the long time practice of conjugal visiting within mens' prisons in the states of Mississippi and South Carolina. The theory here is to utilize the mens' bonds to healthy individuals (i.e., the wives of prisoners). Schneller describes women as "unbelievably law-abiding in contrast to men" (Schneller 1991:4). He also found that from a study of prisoners' families, that wives generally felt that they could stay faithful to their husbands for about two years. Therefore, if marriages are to stay intact, conjugal visits would seem necessary for the inmate with over two years of time to serve. Conjugal visits can also be seen as a part of a larger family reunion program. Parent Education Project, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania Not all of the parenting programs report positive or "no change" results (Browne 1989). Twenty women of the Allegheny County Jail in Pittsburgh Pennsylvania participated in a 24 week curriculum designed to enhance knowledge of positive parenting. The women were pre and post tested at the end of the curriculum. While the women's rating on self esteem appeared to increase, their ratings on the use of corporal punishment and belief in inappropriate expectations increased. The author suggests that the latter two areas were not given enough attention within the delivery of the curriculum. Also, the parents may have needed to practice behavior suggested by new knowledge, before fully integrating the new ideas into their own belief systems. Considering the Defendants' Children at the time of Sentencing One approach to lessening the sheer number of people incarcerated in the United States, is to consider a defendants' dependents at the time of sentencing. This assumes that the individual was actually actively involved in supporting the children. Eleanor L. Bush (1990) discusses how judges may evaluate the impact of the sentence on the person (often the women) who may be the sole parent in the child's life. For example, will a two year sentence result in the termination of parental rights? Can the age of the child be taken into consideration (generally, the younger the age, the greater the impact of a long separation). Will alternative incarceration (such as a day program) be appropriate? Did the person commit the crime in front of the children, or did they keep their criminal activities away from their parenting responsibility. Bush tries to discriminate between true parental responsibilities and positive behaviors regarding parenting, versus quickly "acquired" parental responsibilities as a sentencing ploy. Canada In Canada there is a network of agencies that help maintain the bond between the incarcerated women and her child through help with transportation, hostels near the prisons, extended family visiting, and post-incarceration services. Several facts to bear in mind about Canada is their significantly fewer number of incarcerated persons (in comparison with the United States), and the greater distances between places. "I went down to hell, and thank God I came out of it because of the C.F.A.D." The agency Continuite-famille aupres des detenues (Family Continuity for Detained Women) is a Montreal-based agency that staffs a trailer for family visiting at the Tanguay prison. They also provide extensive post-release counseling and activities for women upon their return to Montreal, including a small industry of making and marketing bird houses that the women make. I had the pleasure of visiting C.F.A.D. in the Spring, 1993. The British Isles In a study of the women's prison, Cornton Vale, Scotland, Pat Carlen (1983) found that there was little conducive to maintaining bonds between the women and their children. Visits were strictly supervised and limited to twenty minutes (this was in spite of the great distances necessary to get to the prison). Inmate families might travel five hours for a twenty minute visit. The women were strip searched after the visit, a deterrent to many of them. Further, letters to and from home were censored. Also, there was no help in preparing for the women's release ('liberation' as it is called in Scotland), such as in helping her find a place to stay. A further criticism of the situation of women in Cornton Vale was the lack of meaningful vocational or educational training programs to prepare the women to be self sufficient upon release. Most of the activities (such as sewing and cooking) appeared predicated on the idea that the woman would return home and be supported by her husband. In an historical and contemporary overview of women's prisons throughout Britain, Dobash, Dobash and Gutteridge (1986) found that, whereas in earlier centuries imprisoned women were seen as 'evil,' they are now seen as 'mad' and in need of psychiatric services. Their review of the historical and contemporary situation of the 12 women's prisons throughout Britain (i.e., in England, Scotland and Wales) is that most do not have child-oriented policies, and that visits with the inmates children are not encouraged. Even in the four prisons that have nurseries for mothers and their babies (the prisons are Holloway, Styal, Askham Grange and Cornton Vale) it was found that the women and babies were subject to strict regimes. In a 1990 study of the mother and baby units of Holloway, Styal, Askham Grange, Pat Carlen found an 'unnaturalness' to the prison setting, where mothers and babies spend long hours confined to one room, mothers cannot develop their own routines with the baby, and there is little stimulation from other people, such as other relatives. Both the Dobash (et al) and Carlen studies urge consideration of non-incarceration for the majority of female offenders. India Children in institutions often, unfortunately, are subject to the same kind of regimentation as their mothers are, and it shows. It is painful to see that happening to infants of two or three who, instead of being fondled and played with, are made to sit in orderly rows with arms folded (for the benefit of visitors). There is no justifiable reason why institutional children's nurseries should be dreary places whereas those outside are designed to be cheerful and stimulating (Sahni 1978:183) Women prisoners in India constitute a small percentage of the total prisoner population. For example, there were approximately 4,000 women in jail in 1988, in contrast to 107,000 men (Hazarika 1988:A9). There were 44,000 women arrested in India in the same year, in contrast to two million men (Hazarika 1988:A9). Women are typically housed in a separate wing within a men's prison. They have little access to the recreational, educational or vocational programs offered the men. Further, mentally ill women (who may constitute 17% of the total female prisoners) are mixed with the rest of the prison population (Hazarika 1988, Sikka 1986). In many parts of India mothers are permitted to bring their children to prison with them, as well as keep babies born to them in prison, if there is no one else to care for the child. However, as the beginning excerpt suggests, these facilities are grim places that are inadequate for the nurture of children. Nepal In Nepal, there are approximately 150 children living in adult prisons with their parents (mother or father) because there is no one else who can care for the child (Pradhan 1993:11). The physical structure of the prisons in Nepal are described as old and crumbling down, with poor sanitation and cracked roofs. There is no special provision for these children, and they are subjected to the same prison regime and harsh conditions as their parents. Sexual and emotional abuse of the children by other prisoners as well as staff is considered wide-spread (Pradhan 1993:15). UNICEF Defense for Children International The most extensive attempt to look at the issue of mothers and their children in prison is contained in the Defense for Children International (DCI) exploratory study of 1982-84, of children (under 18 years of age) in adult prisons throughout the world. The study included information on children who were in adult prisons because of delinquency, being on the street and unprotected, being in prison with their incarcerated parent. The study includes information on babies and children in prison with their incarcerated parent from Austria, Chile, Columbia, Costa Rica, Denmark, Germany, India, Netherlands, Nigeria, Pakistan, Spain, Thailand, United Kingdom, United States and Zaire. The DCI pointed to the issues and contradictions inherent in the issue of children in prison with their parents: Different principles for the treatment of children contradict each other; the principle of separating children in custody from adults is opposed to the principle of non-separation of families in custody; the principle that children should never be imprisoned, that there is always a better alternative, may contradict the principle that the treatment of the child has to be decided upon by the criterion of his/her best interest, which may be custody with the parent(s), provided that prison conditions are satisfactory (Tomasevski 1986:91). Most of the information in the study refers to babies and children in prison with their mothers, although a study from Thailand by a French journalist, Pierre Toutain, refers to children in prison with their fathers, since the father in that country has the main responsibility for the child. Toutain reports wide spread sexual abuse of the children from the other prisoners and prison staff. The DCI study concluded that women who are pregnant and/or mothers should not be incarcerated, but that alternative arrangements should be made. If they are incarcerated, whether or not their children go with them to prison or jail depends on the conditions that greet the children. There was a range of conditions found within the prisons holding babies and children. In one report from Chile, it was reported that: Conditions in Tres Alamos were very bad. In the women's section 120 prisoners lived in a wooden block with facilities for fifty persons. Normally ten or eleven prisoners slept in one room, six of them in berths and others on the floor. There were no doors, so that if it rained water flooded in. There was no space for eating, prisoners had to eat in the open air. There were four toilets, three of which functioned, no warm water; nor were there any special provision for children and babies (Tomasevski 1986:99). On the other hand, the DCI report on Corton Vale, Scotland, in contrast to the Carlen report, states: Babies are accommodated with their mothers, and indeed this is encouraged if children are very young. Every effort is made to ensure that mother and child relate normally. The staff welcome having babies in the institution; they believe it to be important for the child's development to remain close to the mother and consider it helpful to the mother to have support and guidance at that time. It is also believed that the presence of a baby has a stabilizing influence on other inmates (Tomasevski 1986:99). The conditions of children in prison may be materially good, but emotionally not. For example, the mother of a ten month old baby in prison in Austria states: The child is normally developed and interested in everything. But it does not laugh much and often seems dejected. That would certainly be different outside the prison (Tomasevski 1986:98). In some countries it may be that conditions in the prison are better for the children inside the prison than outside (a very sad commentary). For example, in Casa Cuna, a special unit for children and mothers in a women's prison in Costa Rica, it is thought that the situation of the children deteriorates once they return to the community (Tomasevski 1986:98). Conclusion Mothers in prison and their children is an area that has only recently been the subject of serious study. Research that attempts to measure the results of various programs and policies should be widely publicized to prisons and the public throughout the world. 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Emerson Dobash and Sue Gutteridge, 1986, The Imprisonment of Women Oxford, England: Basil Blackwell Duche, Natacha and Ariane Gransac, 1982, Prison de Femmes Paris: Editions Denoel Freedman, Estelle B., 1981, Their Sisters' Keepers: Women's Prison Reform in America, 1830-1930 Ann Arbor Michigan, The University of Michigan Press Glasser, Irene, 1992, "Mothers in Prison" Practicing Anthropology, Addressing Issues in the Criminal Justice System, Summer, Vol 14, No. 3 17-21 Goodman, Randy, 1986, "13 Summaries of DCI (Defence for Children International) country surveys" in Katarina Tomasevski (editor) Children in Adult Prisons: An International Perspective New York: st. Martin's Press Gross, Jane, 1989, "Grandmothers Bear a Burden Sired By Drugs" New York Times , April 9, Section 1 p. 1 Hairston, Creasie Finney and Patricia W. 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